1. I’m afraid I don’t understand the question, because you don’t set out anywhere what you really mean by ‘a policy framework’. Is it a framework for analysing policy, or for developing policy? The two are completely different: the former may have relevance from a research point of view, making it possible to test various solutions against a perceived framing of the problem. However I wonder whether policy makers will really be able to engage with the answers. I presume that you hope to engage them with the results of the dialogue but this also isn’t very clear as I don’t know which policy makers you are aiming for: in DFID, WB, politicians, or mid level civil servants in Malawi?
2. I think it’s crucial that your analysis of the problem sets out what the current policy goals are in relation to soil use/productivity etc. If, as a policymaker, I am charged with delivering a set of goals, then having someone present evidence in a completely different framing is likely to make my life more, rather than less complicated. If I have to struggle to find the relevance of what is being said, I’ll be more likely to misuse the evidence. (Not intentionally – but I’ll probably cherry pick the bits that I understand, not have time to work through the challenging parts, and come to rely on (e.g.) chapter 3 as a bit of a ‘crutch’ because it’s well written and seems to make sense.)
3. So I really think you need to consider the questions the presumed audience will be asking: and policy makers will be asking them in terms of the policy goals that they are working towards. Given that these change over time, often appear to conflict with one another, and are interpreted differently by different stakeholders, you can’t rely on a single set of answers, no matter how nuanced they are. The answers must be conditional on the policy goals.
4. Thus, the ‘design principles’ for effective policy cannot be debated in the abstract: they must relate to specified policy goals and the outcomes that are sought. So if the specific policy goal we are working on is X and some related policy goals are Y and Z, and if the overarching policy goal for that Department is Q, then the evidence suggests that…. This makes it difficult to think about any of the issues raised in your bullet pointed section because I don’t know what policy goals we are dealing with.
5. So I’d prefer to see your questions reframed somewhat, as in the italics below [your original questions in square brackets]…
- Given that the national policy goal is X and the goal for that particular region is Y, how can we devise a national strategy which takes account of regional diversity? [How can a strategy that operates at scale take account of the diversity of agro-ecological and socio-economic circumstances on the ground?]
- Given that the policy goal is to increase agricultural incomes for the poorest quartile, by X% over the next Y years, and that we have evidence that an integrated soil fertility management approach is most appropriate, is inorganic fertiliser the most effective entry point? [Is inorganic fertilizer the best initial ‘entry point’ for an integrated soil fertility management approach? If so, what should a programme look like, bearing in mind past failures? If not, what should be done first?] NB, if the policy goal is about improving crop productivity across the board, then the answer to the question would be completely different.
- Given the policy goal of reducing dependence on input subsidies by X% over Y years…[How can efficient use of fertilizer use be ensured, avoiding the danger of benefits being captured more by fertilizer manufacturers and traders than small scale farmers?] If it’s the Treasury who ‘own’ this goal rather than the Dept of Agriculture, then you’ll have some interesting discussions here. How might this goal conflict with a Dept of Ag goal on increasing crop productivity? What if there’s also a Dept of Industry goal to improve the profitability of local businesses? What structures will be put in place to ensure that the three Depts talk to each other? (Not sure you can look to the UK for advice there… )
- If the goal is to help the poorest X% increase productivity on rainfed soils, what is the best mix of incentives? How can we monitor that mix to ensure it’s delivering against the goal? If the evidence shows that we’re not reaching our target, can we change the mix of incentives without doing too much damage? [Do subsidies have a role in ensuring input provision and, if so, what is meant by a ‘smart subsidy’? If not, what other incentives/investments make most sense?] See above about who owns the policy goal for this.
- What happens when there is no market – or when market mechanisms don’t reach certain places or people? I can’t work with this one at all: it needs to be far more specific – e.g. if the goal is income growth in region X, is it worth focusing on improving crop productivity because the roads are lousy and transport costs are too high to effectively market the surplus? Given that the delivery mechanisms in place look like this……. what is the most appropriate sequence of interventions (roads, water catchment systems, crop productivity…)?
- What is the role for the state – in managing, supporting, coordinating, regulating, financing – and which parts of the state need support to make this happen? You can’t answer this one unless you have a clear idea of what the policy goal is.
- What type of policy processes are required to ensure pro-poor outcomes and avoid capture by elites, commercial interests and others? What exactly do you mean by policy processes? At what level?
- What enabling conditions need to be in place (e.g. trade policy, infrastructure, investment)? For what?
- How should ‘success’ and ‘impact’ defined? Again, for what? It’s about working through the individual policy goals, using existing and emerging evidence which is interpreted in light of what policy is trying to achieve for that particular issue at that particular time.
Louise Shaxson, Director
Delta Partnership
louise@deltapartnership.com